El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)

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PDF El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)

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Episode 14 of Bombazo is here and we have a huge amount to cover across both the international matches and forthcoming LaLiga games:— Martin Braithwaite bags two goals in two games including the strike that seals Denmark's place at Euro We reckon he would get 20 a season for a better LaLiga side. Today we look ahead to the meeting with Sociedad this weekend, Zidane has been fielding questions about Bale in his pre match press conference plus we round up the latest transfer rumour and speculation. There are only twelve of them. Ultra-conservative judges Marchena has a tarnished reputation and his impartiality has been called into question.

Quite frankly, he ought to step aside. And all the judges have a very similar profile in terms of their way of thinking and the attitude they will have during the trial. I can only imagine that the decision to do things in a particular way was taken by a small group of individuals. When we were convinced that the investigating judge, Pablo Llarena, had committed a series of irregularities or made statements that were out of line, the appeals court backed him up and defended him. The judges are all hard-line conservatives, some are ultra-conservative, highly influenced by the Opus Dei.

They were all in agreement, following the manual written by Federico Trillo, the mastermind of the current judicial structure. When the PP decides there is a need to defend the state and put the judicial machinery in motion, the system runs as smooth as silk, everything is perfectly coordinated, having been prepared to act in situations exactly like this one. The whole thing went like clockwork.

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Thanks to the structure designed by minister Trillo, individuals with the conservative profile which they were looking for could be appointed to the highest positions within the Spanish justice system. The centre of power is located at the GCJ. Whoever controls it also controls the justice system. As a result, the key aspect was to change the way judges are appointed, replacing what, in principle, according to law, ought to be based on merit and experience.


However, an analysis of those who have been appointed shows that it was less to do with merit and experience and more to do with their close ties to the PP. The GCJ appoints everyone from the president of the Supreme Court to the presidents of the provincial courts across Spain. The GCJ controls the whole system. But of course, seeing how the Second Chamber has had three vacancies, how they fill them, and who they appoint…. As a result, she turned down the case before they could recuse her.

But it occurred to the PP at that precise moment that the criminal chamber needed a president. As a result, she went from being a peer of judges who had informed her she was unfit to hear the case, to being their president and, therefore, to having control over the chamber. The PP sought this particular solution as a means of not losing control of the situation. Marchena became ill and dropped out halfway through. However, there were vacancies for thirty-five positions which had already been filled. We have this in writing.

And it just so happens that the person initially selected turned it down after receiving a phone call from the chief prosecutor.

The prosecutor has the cheek to put this all in writing. Obviously, we filed a complaint against this prosecutor with anti-corruption. Either way, corruption was involved. Back then the Partido Popular found itself all alone decrying the move and arguing that it only left the State a single defence strategy against a unilateral referendum: invoking Article of the Constitution to impose direct rule. So from a legal standpoint, holding a referendum outside the existing laws —as happened in Catalonia on November 9 and again on October 1 — does not constitute a crime.

At the very least, no charges can be pressed because —as we have seen— the State has other means to prevent the secession of a region. There is an easy explanation: since the Prosecutor and the examining magistrate could not invoke a specific article of the criminal code, they had to fabricate a narrative of violence to bring charges of rebellion and sedition against the Catalan leaders.

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Had those articles not been repealed, today there would be no doubt that at least the Catalan ministers could be charged with holding an illegal referendum. In the courtroom, political discourse —this will be essentially a political trial— will have to alternate with a solid legal defence that exposes the falsehoods on which the case has been built. It is at this crossroads where we expect to see the statements by the defence that will be made public next week. Specifically, they aim to expose the lack of judicial guarantees and the conditions which the defendants will endure throughout the trial: driven daily to court from their prison cell and with no time to confer with their lawyers.

The information brigade BI of the Spanish National Police PNE is behind the police operation that has culminated - for the moment - with the arrest of sixteen Catalan independence supporters accused of public disorder in blocking the tracks at the High Speed Train AVE station in Girona during the first anniversary of the October 1 referendum. Among the detainees, two mayors of the CUP and a photo-journalist. It is no anecdote that the BI has driven the operation: the BI's Barcelona province branch is a unit in the eye of the storm of many polemics for its actions, and it seems that it has now decided to go on the counterattack after being in the shadows for a while.

What is the BI and how does it work?

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On paper, this unit is responsible for collecting information of police interest in any field, and this also includes underground and infiltration work. In Spain, each police headquarters has an information unit in the case of Barcelona it is in charge of all of Catalonia. It is part of what we could call the deep state: governments come and go, political colours change, but they are always there. The BI has recently been recently updated. This is what is explained in a police report incorporated into the legal case that is investigating possible police abuses in Barcelona on October 1.

The brigade, then, is in the eye of the storm. The BI is a particularly hermetic unit and little is known about its operation. The Barcelona BI was well-known during the Nineties under the name of "VI group"--of infamous memory for many social movement activists.

The scope of yesterday's police operation, with journalists, mayors and activists detained, shows the time we are living in: a time of degradation of rights and freedoms and consolidation of a low-intensity democracy. It cannot be allowed to become normal for police to arrest mayors, activists and critical journalists for no motive in the middle of the night.

Because, as lawyer Benet Salellas, who has assumed the defense of the accused said: the arrests are completely out of proportion.

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Even if the detainees were responsible for the offenses they are alleged to have committed--which they deny--they are people with a known address, people entrenched in their social environment and people who at no time have had any intention of evading the operation of the legal system. They could simply have been cited to appear in court at a specific time and date to make a statement, as on so many other occasions.

El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition) El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)
El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition) El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)
El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition) El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)
El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition) El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)
El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition) El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)
El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition) El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)
El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition) El vi fa sang (Catalan Edition)

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